California Correctional Peace Officers Association

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How an electoral tweak is throwing California lobbyists into disarray

Sasha Abramsky takes a look at the criminal justice lobbying network in a new report.

In 2012, a big shift will hit California’s electoral system: open primaries. Open primaries, brought in by voters through 2010′s Proposition 14, will allow the top two vote-getters in any primary for state office to advance to the general election, which means we could see districts with two Republicans or two Democrats competing in a general election. California’s biggest lobbying groups, among them some of the biggest law enforcement groups in the country, are grappling with what this new system will mean to them, in a state that’s undergoing a shift in how the public views our traditionally tough-on-crime approach. I sat down with Sasha Abramsky, a reporter for the Nation, Rolling Stone, and other publications, to talk about how this change might play out. Abramsky published a report earlier this week with the Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice called “Sacramento’s K-Street Lobbyists: The criminal justice inner circle.” In that piece, Abramsky analyzed the influence of California’s largest criminal justice lobbys, like the California Correctional Peace Officers Association (CCPOA), and how they’re approaching this shift in electoral politics.

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Former CCPOA President Don Novey filing for bankruptcy

Don Novey, former longtime president of the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, is expected in a Sacramento bankruptcy court Thursday morning. Filings with the US Bankruptcy Court for the Eastern District of California show that Novey and his wife, Carol, began Chapter 13 bankruptcy proceedings in May.

Novey served as president of the correctional officers’ union for over 20 years, until his retirement in 2002. He’s widely credited with building the union’s influence, to the point where it is considered one of the more powerful political players in state politics.

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Central Valley towns angry over emptying private and locally owned prisons

In 1986, California signed its first modern contract with a private prison company, opening a Community Correctional Facility called Hidden Valley Ranch in La Honda. Over the next two decades, the CCF project expanded, and there are currently at least nine CCFs in the state, generally housing low-level state prisoners. The CCFs represent private prison companies’ greatest inroad into California’s correctional scene to date. While state like Texas and Florida, other states with large prison populations have embraced private facilities, the California Correctional Peace Officers Association has consistently opposed any kind of privatization, keeping their role in the state minimal. Now, CCFs–both private and locally owned–are reportedly closing around the state. The Bakersfield Californian took on the issue in a recent piece:

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George Will on the correctional officers union

CCPOA

In his most recent column, conservative pundit George Will takes a shot at California’s correctional officers’ union, the CCPOA, and their relationship with Governor Jerry Brown:

Pausing in his struggle to solve, or to get others to solve, today’s iteration of California’s recurring fiscal crisis, Jerry Brown, the recurring governor, recently approved a new contract for the prison guards union. Henceforth, guards can cash out at retirement an unlimited number of unused vacation days. Most California employees can monetize only 80 accrued days. Many guards will receive lump sums exceeding $100,000. The Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates that guards possess time worth $600 million. The union contributed almost $2 million to Brown’s 2010 campaign.

What Will doesn’t mention is that a lot of that accrued vacation is due to furloughs, and will likely go down with furloughs out of the picture.

Jobs and ideology in the prison budget debate

Andrew Magill

Overtime costs pile up.

Writing over at California Progress Report, Joshua Page, assistant professor of Sociology at the University of Minnesota and author of the new book The Toughest Beat, makes a point that’s strangely often left out of the debate over cutting the prison budget. People assume that correctional officers oppose prison closures because they want to keep their jobs. That’s true, Page writes, but it’s not the only factor in play when groups like the California Correctional Peace Officers Association (CCPOA) oppose reforms that would cut the prison population or prison budget–”it’s also ideological.”

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Private prisons make inroads

Private prisons are making subtle advances into California–albeit via the back roads. This week, an initial group of California inmates arrived at GEO Group’s North Lake Correctional Facility in Baldwin, Michigan–part of a larger strategy initiated by former Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to relieve some of the overcrowding in California’s prisons.

For decades, private prisons have been a contentious issue in California. While states like Texas and Florida have embraced privatization as a cost-effective supplement to state-run institutions, California has resisted. Not that private prisons haven’t tried to make gains into one of the country’s largest correctional markets. Several Community Correctional Facilities run by private companies currently house lower level offenders in California, but their role has been limited.* The Correctional Corporation of America tried building a prison in California City on speculation, hoping to take in overflow from the state system, only to sit vacant until it obtained a contract to house federal prisoners.

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Brown calls off death row expansion

CDCR

San Quentin State Prison, home of California's male death row

Governor Jerry Brown today announced he’s stopping a controversial death row expansion project. Marin legislators Assemblyman Jared Huffman and Senator Mark Leno have both been long opposed to the project, which has been scheduled to go ahead for some time. In a press release, Brown gave his reasoning:

“At a time when children, the disabled and seniors face painful cuts to essential programs, the State of California cannot justify a massive expenditure of public dollars for the worst criminals in our state,” said Brown. “California will have to find another way to address the housing needs of condemned inmates. It would be unconscionable to earmark $356 million for a new and improved death row while making severe cuts to education and programs that serve the most vulnerable among us.”

California’s death row, which houses 713 condemned inmates, is said to be overcrowded and run-down. Opponents of the expansion project have argued that death row inmates could be distributed to other prisons instead of expanding the San Quentin facility. San Quentin is also the site of the state’s lethal injection chamber and has traditionally housed condemned male inmates.

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What does the new prison officers contract mean?

CCPOA

The new contract Governor Jerry Brown negotiated with the California Correctional Peace Officers Association has come under intense scrutiny over the past week. Why? Pundits, editorialists, and policy makers are trying to figure out exactly where this governor stands in relation to one of California’s most powerful interest groups.

Each governor’s relationship with the CCPOA comes into focus at some point–and a narrative eventually develops to explain to what degree the politician is influenced by the group. During Brown’s first stint as governor in the 1970s, according to Joshua Page’s book, “The Toughest Beat,” Brown famously irked the union by appointing liberal Supreme Court justices, opposing the death penalty, and signing in laws like the now-defunct bill that gave prison inmates 50 percent off their sentence for good behavior.

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