Explainer: Why California may release 40,000 inmates

Rina Palta
Attorneys from the Prison Law Office decompress after facing the US Supreme Court this morning.
The story of Schwarzenegger v. Coleman and Plata, a case argued before the US Supreme Court this morning, involves a lot of things: states’ rights versus the rights of their citizens, tough on crime policies that have stuffed the nation’s prisons with inmates, and budget cuts and budget priorities that have kept legislatures from building proper facilities to house and care for prisoners. Most of all, however, the case is about a 1996 federal law called the Prisoner Litigation Reform Act (PLRA). At the moment, California stands to be the first state to unwillingly be ordered to reduce its prison population since the act passed. In 2009, a panel of three federal judges decided that conditions in the state’s prisons are so bad, that the state must release between 35,000-40,000 inmates in order to bring the system into compliance with the US Constitution. Now, the Supreme Court must decide if the panel of judges was in compliance with the PLRA when it issued that order. Here’s what you need to know to understand the case.
The back story
Between 1980 and 1996, the number of people behind bars around the country jumped from 500,000 to 1.6 million. Federal judges in places like Texas, Alabama and Louisiana found that unsustainable. They told states they could only keep people behind bars if they could house them properly because prisons were starting to get jammed–crowded, unsafe, and unsanitary. Barry Krisberg, a senior fellow with the Berkeley Center for Criminal Justice, says, “in the 80s and 90s there were quite a few prison caps that were implemented around the country.” That means judges were stepping in and telling states and counties that they had to cut their prison populations to make sure they weren’t overcrowding to the point that conditions became unconstitutional–meaning they violated the 8th Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment. Krisberg says federal lawmakers saw what the courts were doing and decided they were going too far. So in 1996 they passed the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA).
Krisberg says in part, the PLRA was meant to discourage prisoners from filing frivolous lawsuits. He says it was also about making it harder for federal judges to intervene in state prison systems–particularly, it makes it very, very difficult for judges to tell states to cut down their prison populations. Under the law, a panel of three federal judges must find: that courts have tried all other options and failed to remedy constitutional violations with less intrusive orders; that overcrowding is the primary cause of unconstitutional conditions; that releasing prisoners will have little or no impact on public safety.
“Since it passed, there’s been no state system that’s really been under this umbrella,” Krisberg says. “So in one sense, it produced a chilling end to litigation on behalf of prisoner rights.”
Some other localities have been sued under the PLRA and have resulted in settlements between carceral systems and plaintiffs. California’s case will be the first to test the boundaries of the PLRA at the US Supreme Court and if it stands, California’s will be the first prison cap issued by a federal court since the law passed.
So how did we get here?
Recently, I visited San Quentin, California’s oldest prison, to get a better sense of how this whole thing started. Lieutenant Sam Robinson, the prison’s public information officer, says in 1885, San Quentin did something no other prison in the country had done: it built a hospital.
“We were forward thinking to do so,” Robinson says. “In that if you’re going to house someone long term, you need to provide some type of health care services to them.
Other prisons around the country followed San Quentin’s example. But over the next century, prison populations grew, and medical and mental health facilities didn’t keep up. By 2006, some California prisons were housing three times as many inmates as they were designed for. Dr. Lisa Pratt, the Chief Physician at San Quentin, says her and other doctors were seeing patients in converted showers and closets–places that don’t allow for things like patient confidentiality or even places for doctors to wash their hands.
There wasn’t enough staff to get inmates from place to place and about half weren’t making it to their doctors’ appointments. Many diabetics weren’t getting their insulin, many mentally ill patients weren’t taking their anti-psychotic drugs. Crowded conditions were making more and more people susceptible to communicable diseases, which meant prisons would go into lockdown just to stop them from spreading. There are numerous examples of overcrowded conditions hampering medical care–like one case, where an inmate living in a gym converted to a dorm of bunk beds (as is now common) was beaten; guards didn’t notice anything until they found him dead. In 2005, an inmate was needlessly dying every six or seven days. Pratt says the doctors did their best, but it wasn’t pretty.
“It was a little bit like field medicine,” she says. “Kind of a Doctors without Borders right here in Marin County.”
Meanwhile, federal courts have been aware of California’s prison problems for decades. In the 1991 Coleman case, which deals with mental health care, a federal court issued over 70 orders to fix the system. In the 2001 Plata case, a federal court ordered improvements to medical care in prisons. Changes were slow to come, and by 2005, the court said it had had enough and appointed a federal receiver to take charge of the system–someone who would run the medical care system in California’s prisons and answer to and be invested with the power of the court.
The state makes progress. Is it enough?
Since the Receiver came to town, a lot has happened. Namely, the state built a shiny new medical facility at San Quentin, which when you tour it, looks like a Kaiser clinic (which isn’t surprising, since it was partially designed by a Kaiser person). In addition, Carter Phillips, the DC attorney who the state retained to fight its battle at the Supreme Court, told me the state has spent some $3.5 billion on upgrading medical care (albeit generally only after being explicitly forced to by a court). The current receiver, Clark Kelso, has plans to digitize inmate medical records (there are currently about four football fields worth of old paper records to convert) so that medical history can follow inmates as they transfer institutions. He’s also instituting a centralized pharmacy to supply medications and renovating existing medical clinics as budget permits. Earlier this month, the state broke ground on a big project: a new prison hospital in Stockton.
San Quentin’s medical facility is now looking to get accredited as a hospital–which would mean proving it complies with national standards for care. That would potentially make the facility the standard for California’s prison system, which it currently isn’t. San Quentin’s facilities look great, but that doesn’t mean prisoners around the state enjoy the same level of care. After the budget crisis hit the state, prison medical care dropped lower on a long list of monetary priorities.
Somewhere in the midst of these successes and setbacks, the judges in the Plata and Coleman cases decided something huge: that there was no way the problems of suicides and needless deaths would go away until California fixed (or at least substantially reduced) its overcrowded conditions. Under the PLRA, they convened a three-judge panel to determine whether or not overcrowding in California’s prisons fundamentally impeded the state’s ability to get its medical and mental health care up to code. And in August of 2009, they decided it did, and issued an order for California to cap its population at 137.5 percent of designed capacity. Which means releasing about 40,000 inmates over the next two years and figuring out how to keep the population from ballooning again.
California’s prison overcrowding reaches the US Supreme Court
Which brings us to this morning, when lawyers for prisoners and lawyers for the state of California presented their cases to the US Supreme Court, which will ultimately decide whether this prison population cap order stands. Don Specter, the director of the Prison Law Office in Berkeley (who’s been on these cases since the beginning) represented California prisoners; Carter Phillips, a prominent DC lawyer represented the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.
The meat of the fight got back to the Prison Litigation Reform Act and what the law was meant to do. Phillips argued that the federal court “jumped the gun” when it decided to convene a three-judge panel. The PLRA, after all, was designed to make a population cap a last, extreme resort for judges, and the three-judge panel was convened fairly shortly after the court took the already potent move of appointing a receiver to take over the medical care system. Why not let the receiver’s plans play their course before jumping to a prison release order, Phillips asked.
Because, Specter countered, the state has had ample opportunity to step in and fix the situation. Both cases have been rolling for years, the Coleman case for decades. There’s a lengthy trail of federal orders that have failed to bring about constitutional compliance. When is enough enough? As Justice Sotomayor, who stepped in often with questions that seemed to show her support for the population cap, asked, would the state really be able to accomplish in 2 years what they haven’t yet done in 20?
Justice Alito, meanwhile, stepped in often with questions that aided Phillips in his arguments on behalf of the prison system. Namely, the issue of public safety, and whether or not the release order could meet the PLRA’s criteria, which is that it would have little or no impact on public safety.
Specter, the prisoners’ attorney, pointed out that the state releases some 120,000 prisoners every year as it is.
Specter seemed to be grappling with how to explain the nature of California’s prison system to a panel that has (I’m guessing) never set foot inside a gym with stacks of inmates crammed into bunk beds. “You don’t understand,” he told justices at numerous points. Justice Breyer, however, said he understood better after going online and looking at photos from California prisons.
“The pictures look pretty horrendous to me,” Breyer said. “It’s obvious if you just look at it that you cannot have mental health facilities that keep people from killing themselves or medical care that will prevent staph infections.” The three-judge court found that the only way to even start getting to that point is to reduce the prison population, and Breyer indicated he agreed.
And that’s the crux of why those who support prison reform are watching this case so closely. In reform communities, the PLRA is viewed as a law that stifled prisoner rights. And this case, which has spanned decades and involved unprecedented scrutiny, is not seen as a beaming example of when court intervention is appropriate, it’s hard to envision any role for federal judicial intervention in prisons. Which would mean prison reforms would need to come from the hands of legislators–which historically, has been rare.
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